Issues at the Syntax Semantics Interface Summative Assessment

The classical approach to the assignment of scope to Quantificational

Phrases (QPs) is via the rule of Quantifier Raising (QR). QR has a special status in syntactic and semantic theory because of two special characteristics: It operates covertly and it is clause bound. The former means that the effects of QR are only detectable in interpretations (different meanings for the same surface structure). The latter means that any given QP can only take scope within the clause in which it is generated. In other words, QR always targets one position, namely an adjoined position to IP/TP. We have however discussed examples like the following which challenge the clause boundedness of QR:
(1) (At least) one/a judge recommended that we free every prisoner
In this example a scope reading as in (2) is possible:
(2) every prisoner > (At least) One/a judge
Meaning that for every prisoner a potentially different judge recommended that they be freed. With this in mind consider the following questions:
1. What is the significance of these sentences for the operation of QR and its locality constraints? (HINT: consider the fact that there are other movement processes, such as wh-movement that are indeed unbounded. Think of the mechanisms involved there. What are the predictions?)
2. Are long distance inverse-scope readings available with all types of QPs? (Think of the types of QPs that we discussed them).
3. How would the feature-based theory of scope account for such data within a phase based approach to structure building?

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Write a 2000 word essay addressing the above questions. An important aspect of the work will be to choose the right way to structure your essay and your argument.

In other words, you should think very carefully about the relationship between the different questions above.
You must submit through the usual Departmental e-submission portal.

Submission must be in PDF format only.

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